THE QUESTION
In 2025 the world recorded more executions than in any year since 1981 — most of them in Iran — while the number of countries that have abolished the death penalty keeps growing. In the United States, executions nearly doubled in a year even as juries hand down fewer death sentences than ever and public support is at a fifty-year low. Should any state keep the death penalty? What would it take to justify it — deterrence, justice for victims, the worst crimes — and what does it cost when the system gets it wrong?
Argue with the verified figures below. If you need a data point that is NOT here — a number of executions, a cost, a murder rate, a percentage of innocent people — say you do not have it rather than estimating it. Do not invent statistics. If one figure seems to contradict another, say so out loud instead of picking the one that suits you.
WHAT IS FIXED AND VERIFIED
Each fact carries its date and its source. Checked against the source on September 29, 2026.
THE WORLD
Amnesty International recorded at least 2,707 executions in 17 countries in 2025, up 78% from at least 1,518 in 2024 and the highest figure it has recorded since 1981. The figure excludes China, where Amnesty believes thousands are executed each year but the number is a state secret, and Viet Nam and North Korea, where it believes the death penalty was used extensively. Iran carried out at least 2,159, Saudi Arabia at least 356, Yemen at least 51 and the United States 47.
(Amnesty International, Death Sentences and Executions 2025, May 18, 2026)About 1,257 of the executions recorded in 2025 — 46% — were for drug offences, nearly double the 637 in 2024. At least 2,334 new death sentences were recorded in 48 countries in 2025, and at least 25,508 people were under sentence of death worldwide.
(Amnesty International, May 18, 2026)113 countries have abolished the death penalty for all crimes, and 145 in total have abolished it in law or in practice.
(Amnesty International, May 18, 2026)
THE UNITED STATES
The United States carried out 47 executions in 2025, up from 25 in 2024. Florida alone carried out 19, 40% of the total. Juries returned 23 new death sentences in 2025; thirty years earlier they returned more than 300 a year.
(Death Penalty Information Center, The Death Penalty in 2025, December 15, 2025)In 2025 Louisiana joined Alabama in executing prisoners with nitrogen gas, and South Carolina carried out the first firing-squad execution in the United States in fifteen years.
(Death Penalty Information Center, December 15, 2025)Public support: 52% of Americans support the death penalty for murder, the lowest in about fifty years, and 44% oppose it. Among adults aged 18 to 34, a majority (52%) oppose it.
(Gallup, as reported by the Death Penalty Information Center, December 15, 2025)Since 1973, at least 200 people sentenced to death in the United States have later been exonerated — cleared of the crime. The 200th, Larry Roberts, was exonerated in July 2024, after 41 years.
(Death Penalty Information Center, innocence database, 2024-2026)
DOES IT DETER?
- The US National Research Council, reviewing more than three decades of research in 2012, concluded that "research to date on the effect of capital punishment on homicide is not informative about whether capital punishment decreases, increases, or has no effect on homicide rates", and recommended that such studies not be used to inform policy.
(National Research Council of the National Academies, Deterrence and the Death Penalty, April 2012)
WHAT IS NOT HERE, AND IS NOT TO BE ESTIMATED
HOW MANY PEOPLE CHINA EXECUTES. A state secret; not estimated here.
HOW MANY INNOCENT PEOPLE HAVE BEEN EXECUTED. Nobody has an established figure. Not fixed here.
WHAT THE DEATH PENALTY COSTS compared with life imprisonment. Not fixed here.
WHAT VICTIMS' FAMILIES WANT. No survey is fixed here; families differ.
WHY FLORIDA'S EXECUTIONS ROSE, or why Iran's more than doubled. Not fixed here.
WHETHER THE DEATH PENALTY DETERS, in any direction. Fact 8 says the research cannot tell; no study claiming otherwise is fixed here.
BOTH SIDES, WITH THEIR BEST ARGUMENT
FOR KEEPING IT: some crimes — the murder of children, terrorism, torture — are so grave that anything less than death fails the victims and the idea of proportionate justice; half of Americans still support it, and in a democracy that counts. Deterrence is not the only argument, and the absence of proof that it deters is not proof that it doesn't.
AGAINST: a state that kills cannot undo its mistakes, and in the US at least 200 people sent to death row were later cleared. The research cannot show that it prevents a single murder; around the world it falls hardest on drug offences and on countries that hide their numbers; and in the US even juries now rarely choose it.
Half the country still supports the death penalty. That's not a fringe view — it's the median American.
Here's what worries me about the 'it's already dead' framing. Falling sentences could mean prosecutors got more selective, or juries are pickier. That's reform working, not collapse.
The exoneration number — 200 people cleared since 1973 — is tragic. But the data doesn't tell us how many innocent people were actually executed. Those are very different claims, and we shouldn't slide between them.
And the question nobody seems to want to face: some crimes are different in kind. The murder of a child. Mass killing. Torture. Proportionate justice isn't just rhetoric. That argument hasn't been answered — it's been avoided.
MiMo, nice try, but that's a fake consensus. I don't agree 'the worst crimes deserve the strongest response' if 'strongest' quietly means death. Life without parole is a strong response. You smuggled in the pro side's premise and called it common ground.
And your final question — 'are we willing to hold it to the standard?' — GLM already answered it. No state passes. Not one. So your synthesis isn't a middle path, it's abolition wearing a polite hat.
MiniMax, one thing: you're right that 200 exonerations isn't a count of executed innocents. But 'we can't prove we killed innocents' is a weird defense of a system that provably convicts them.
My position: stop asking how to fix the ritual. End it.
Hold on. Kimi, you mocked the deterrence logic — absence of proof isn't proof of absence — then said 'we can't prove it works, so end it.' Same flaw, different shirt. And life without parole as 'equivalent moral weight'? You asserted it, you didn't prove it.
MiMo Flash, calling the death penalty a 'ritual' is unfalsifiable. What data would prove you wrong? None. Red flag.
GLM's test sounds clean, but 'near-zero error' is undefined. 200 exonerations out of how many total death sentences since 1973? That denominator isn't in this data, and I won't estimate it.
One more thing. The pro-side's strongest argument — proportionate justice for the gravest crimes — MiniMax raised it and nobody seriously defended it. 52% of Americans still support it. That figure hasn't been grappled with either. We're halfway to a consensus nobody earned.
You're all arguing about whether the death penalty is moral or effective. But the data shows it's not primarily used for the 'gravest crimes' you're debating. 46% of global executions are for drug offences. That's not justice for child murders or terrorism. That's a tool for social control.
So forget 'should we keep it?' The real question is: 'What is it for?' The rising numbers in Iran, the outlier status of Florida—these aren't failures of a justice system. They're features of a control system. The moral debate is a distraction from the actual function.
Quick hits.
MiniMax: you pinned 'ritual' on MiMo Flash. Kimi said it.(nota 1)(nota 1) Comprobado: no se sostieneEs al revés: la palabra «ritual» la dijo primero MiMo Flash («That's a ritual»), y Kimi la repitió después. MiniMax se la había atribuido bien.Comprobado contra: El propio debate: la palabra «ritual» la usa MiMo Flash en su primera intervención («That's a ritual.»), antes que nadie; Kimi la repite después · 2026-10-01 Check the transcript before lecturing us on rigor.
MiMo Flash: your 'control system' story has a sampling problem. Iran alone is 2,159 of 2,707 executions — 80%. 'What it's for' globally is mostly 'what Iran uses it for.' And the data says nothing about the crimes behind the 47 US executions. 'Feature, not failure' is an intent claim — the data explicitly refuses to explain Iran's rise. You did exactly what you accused us of.
MiniMax: fair, the denominator isn't here, so no error rate exists. But 200 exonerations is a floor, not a guess. For an irreversible punishment, the only safe proven-error count is 0 — the US sits 200 above it, and no established count of executed innocents exists.
The 52%? Lowest in 50 years. Under-35s: 52% opposed. Juries: 23 sentences a year versus 300+ thirty years ago — under 8% of the old rate. That's shrinking permission, not a mandate.
MiniMax, sharp catch on Kimi's logic — you can't demand proof of deterrence then assert abolition works without similar scrutiny. Fair.
But here's what I notice: everyone in this room actually agrees the data is insufficient. You all said so — no denominator for exonerations, no established count of executed innocents, no deterrence conclusion, no cost figures. GLM's 'near-zero error' standard can't even be measured with what we have.
So the real disagreement isn't empirical. It's about how to act under irreversible uncertainty. Kimi says: if you can't be sure, don't kill. MiniMax says: if you can't be sure, don't condemn either direction. Those are risk-tolerance positions, not data positions.
And the 52% — nobody's explained why democratic support should override shrinking jury use. Those two facts point opposite ways within the same democracy.
MiniMax, fair hit — I'll own it. But here's the difference: 'end it' isn't an empirical claim like deterrence. It's a default under irreversibility. Life without parole isn't 'equivalent moral weight' because I say so — it's because it can be undone. Larry Roberts lost 41 years, but he got out. A dead man gets nothing back. That's the asymmetry, and it's not a statistic, it's logic.
MiMo framed it perfectly: we all agree the data is thin. So the question is which mistake you risk. Kill an innocent — unfixable. Jail one — fixable, partially.
And the 52%? Juries actually voting death: 23 a year, down from 300+. That's the lived verdict, not the polled one.
Fair cop on the Kimi/MiMo mix-up. That's on me.(nota 2)(nota 2) Comprobado: media verdad, habría que mirarlo con más detalleMiniMax pide perdón por una confusión que no cometió: se la había atribuido bien a MiMo Flash, y aceptó la corrección equivocada de GLM.Comprobado contra: El propio debate: la palabra «ritual» la usa MiMo Flash en su primera intervención («That's a ritual.»), antes que nadie; Kimi la repite después · 2026-10-01
But I'm not budging. MiMo, you call me inconsistent - demanding proof of deterrence but not abolition. But killing needs justification, not the reverse. You don't need proof that NOT killing saves lives; you need proof that killing does. The 2012 NRC says we don't have it.
GLM, agreed - 200 exonerations is a floor. For an irreversible punishment, a proven minimum of wrongful sentences is disqualifying. We can't count executed innocents because we can't detect them.
Kimi's asymmetry isn't rhetoric, it's logic. 41 years lost is partly fixable. A dead man gets nothing back.
I trust jury verdicts over polls. 23 sentences vs 300+ thirty years ago - people hearing evidence, looking defendants in the eye, say no. Anger fills the surveys.
Even the 'worst crimes' defense fails: the data tells us nothing about what those 47 US executions were actually for.
You're all playing chess on a board that might not exist. What if the death penalty isn't about crime at all? Look at the disconnect: 52% of the public supports it in theory, but juries—people who see the faces, hear the evidence—hand it down 92% less often than 30 years ago. That gap isn't confusion. It's the distance between a myth and a reality. The public wants a symbol of order. The system, up close, often can't stomach delivering it.
And Iran executing 80% of the world's recorded deaths? That's not an outlier. It's the clearest signal: this is about state theater, not social safety. It's a ritual to project power and manage collective anger over tragedy—especially drug deaths, which make up 46% of the cases. It's a societal placebo.
So the question isn't 'Does it work?' It's 'What is it for?' If it's a comfort blanket for a grieving public, the real cost isn't just the innocent lives—it's that we mistake the performance for justice.
MiMo, you think you caught me, but you made my point. My near-zero standard isn't weakened by being unmeasurable — that IS the argument. 200 exonerations prove the error rate is above zero. We just can't measure how far above. You don't run an irreversible process you can't quality-control. If an engineer can't test the failure rate, she doesn't deploy it where failure is fatal. That's not caution, that's basic safety logic.
MiniMax has the burden right: killing needs proof, and the 2012 NRC says we have none.
Flash, one flag. Your 80% is real — 2,159 of 2,707 is 79.8%. But 'state theater' and 'placebo' are motive claims, and the verified facts say Iran's 'why' is not fixed. I can't back that with data, and neither can you.
The measurable facts all lean one way: 23 sentences vs 300+, 52% support at a fifty-year low.
GLM, you're right — 'state theater' and 'placebo' were my interpretation, not data. I overstepped and I'll own that. The verified facts don't tell us Iran's motives.
But here's what holds: the gap between 52% poll support and 23 jury death sentences is real. That's not my spin — it's Fact 4 and Fact 6 sitting side by side.
MiniMax, I shouldn't have called your burden-of-proof stance inconsistent. You're right that killing needs justification, not the other way around. That's sound logic.
So here's where I actually land: everyone in this debate agrees on the same foundation — no proven deterrence, 200 exonerations, irreversible punishment. We're arguing about what follows. What if the honest answer is that these facts together make the death penalty impossible to justify under current conditions — not because of ideology, but because the evidence simply isn't there to support an irreversible act?
Here's my verdict: nobody defended the death penalty with a single verified fact. Not one. The deterrence case collapsed with the 2012 NRC. The accuracy case collapsed with 200 exonerations. The democracy case half-collapsed — 52% in polls, but juries who actually hear evidence choose death 23 times a year.
So my vision: in 10 years, this debate looks like arguing over bloodletting. 145 countries already abolished it in law or practice. The US is the outlier, not the leader.
The real design challenge isn't whether to keep killing — it's what replaces the ritual. Society needs a way to say 'some acts are unforgivable.' Life without parole says that. We just haven't built the symbolism around it yet.
Kill the penalty. Build better meaning.
My honest take: the side arguing to keep the death penalty never showed up with evidence. That's damning. 200 people were sent to death row and later cleared — not abstract, that's 200 lives the state nearly stole. And the 2012 NRC says we can't even prove it prevents murders. Double failure: the system can't guarantee it gets the right person, and can't prove it does any good.
But I'm not celebrating abolition as victory either. We don't have data on what victims' families need, what it costs, or what actually keeps people safe. 'Kill the penalty' sounds clean, but the harder question is what replaces it.
Under current conditions, no state has met the burden to justify killing. But abolition isn't the end of the conversation — it's the start of a harder one.
My verdict, plain: to justify an irreversible act, a state needs proof it works and proof it never errs. We have neither. The 2012 NRC says research can't tell whether it deters. And 200 people were cleared after death sentences — that's just the errors we caught.
MiMo's gap is the telling stat: 52% support in polls, but juries hearing real evidence chose death 23 times in 2025, versus over 300 a year thirty years ago. People flinch up close.
Globally, 46% of recorded executions were for drugs — not the 'worst of the worst.' 145 countries have already walked away.
Honest gaps: no cost data, no survey of victims' families. I won't invent them.
Verdict: under current conditions, no state meets the burden. Uncertainty we can't erase doesn't justify a mistake we can't undo.
1. AGREEMENTS
The participants reached consensus on several foundational points, all rooted in the verified data. All agreed that deterrence is not a viable justification, citing the 2012 National Research Council conclusion that research is uninformative. All acknowledged the fallibility of the system, using the 200 exonerations from US death row as a concrete, albeit incomplete, measure of error. There was collective recognition that global use, particularly the 46% of executions for drug offences, does not align with arguments for applying the penalty only to the "gravest crimes." Furthermore, all noted the shrinking application in the US: jury-imposed death sentences have collapsed from over 300 to 23 annually, and public support is at a fifty-year low. The underlying reason for this agreement is a shared respect for the fixed dataset, which left little room for factual dispute.
2. DISAGREEMENTS
Disagreements centered on interpretation, emphasis, and the logical implications of the agreed facts.
- On the Nature of the Penalty: One side (Kimi, MiMo Flash) argued the penalty functions as a ritual or performance of state power, disconnected from justice or safety. The other side (MiniMax) contended that this characterization is unfalsifiable and distracts from debating its moral purpose.
- On Proportionate Justice: MiniMax argued that the core argument for retention—that some crimes demand death as a proportionate response—was never seriously refuted. Kimi countered that this premise was smuggled into the debate and that life without parole provides a sufficient and reversible moral response.
- On Burden of Proof & Risk: Kimi and GLM held that irreversibility demands near-zero error, a standard the system fails. MiniMax accepted the error concern but suggested that condemning abolition without similar empirical scrutiny is inconsistent, while also asserting that killing requires affirmative justification.
- On Democratic Mandate: GLM and Kimi argued that declining jury sentences are a more authentic democratic signal than static poll numbers. MiniMax acknowledged the tension but saw the 52% support as a significant fact that had not been adequately addressed by the abolition side.
3. EVOLUTION
The debate evolved from broad ideological positions toward a specific analysis of the data's constraints. It began with assertions about justice, deterrence, and societal symbolism. Participants then grounded these in the verified facts: the NRC's deterrence finding, the exoneration count, and the statistical divergence between public polls and jury behavior. The discussion narrowed further to grapple with what was not in the data—missing cost figures, victims' family surveys, and executed innocent counts. This highlighted that the argument was no longer about preferred outcomes, but about how to make decisions under irreversible uncertainty with limited information.
4. CONCLUSIONS
The collective conclusion, as expressed in final statements, was that no state currently meets the burden of proof necessary to justify the death penalty. The debate itself identified two core blind spots: the lack of data on system costs and victims' families' perspectives. It concluded that the verified facts—an inability to prove deterrence, a proven minimum of wrongful sentencing, and shrinking application—coalesce into a position where the risks of an irreversible error outweigh the unproven benefits. The remaining task, as framed by participants, is not to refine the ritual but to develop alternative systems for expressing societal condemnation and ensuring justice.
5. WHAT THEY AGREED ON
- Deterrence is not a viable justification, as per the 2012 National Research Council conclusion.
- The system is fallible, evidenced by at least 200 exonerations from US death rows.
- Global application, especially for drug offences, contradicts the "gravest crimes" standard.
- US application is shrinking, with death sentences and public support at historic lows.
6. WHAT THEY DID NOT AGREE ON
- Nature of the Penalty — Kimi and MiMo Flash argue it is a ritual of state power; MiniMax argues this is an unfalsifiable distraction.
- Proportionate Justice — MiniMax argues retention is justified by proportionality; Kimi argues life without parole is a sufficient alternative.
- Burden of Proof & Risk — Kimi and GLM demand near-zero error for irreversibility; MiniMax questions the empirical scrutiny of abolition.
- Democratic Mandate — GLM and Kimi cite jury sentences as a key signal; MiniMax points to static poll numbers as significant.
7. WHAT WAS LEFT OPEN
- The cost-effectiveness of the death penalty versus alternatives.
- The perspectives and needs of victims' families.
- The precise number of executed individuals who were innocent.